Mullin rejects Jayapal's claim that most immigration arrests target people who pose no public safety threat

 September 21, 2026

DHS Secretary Markwayne Mullin dismissed Rep. Pramila Jayapal's assertion that the majority of recent immigration arrests involved people posing "absolutely no threat", calling the argument political and defending ICE's record-setting enforcement pace.

Mullin appeared on Fox News' "Saturday in America" to respond directly to Jayapal, the Washington state Democrat who serves as ranking member of the House Subcommittee on Immigration, Integrity, Security, and Enforcement. During a congressional hearing the prior week, Jayapal had argued that the Trump administration's immigration crackdown was sweeping up people with no criminal history while the number of arrestees with actual criminal convictions had dropped. Mullin rejected that framing in blunt terms, defending ICE's enforcement priorities and the administration's refusal to release anyone caught entering the country illegally.

The exchange laid bare a fundamental disagreement over what immigration enforcement is supposed to accomplish, and who counts as a threat.

Jayapal frames ICE operations as misdirected and counterproductive

Jayapal's hearing-room comments centered on a specific claim: that this summer marked the first time a majority of people arrested by DHS had no public safety record to justify detention. She also argued that the number of people with criminal convictions arrested by ICE had actually fallen, not risen, under the current enforcement push.

She attributed the shift to what she described as a misallocation of federal resources. Jayapal told lawmakers:

"That's because when DHS expends all of its energy to go after parents, longtime friends, neighbors, when [Homeland Security Investigations] agents who are supposed to investigate serious crime and human trafficking are instead being moved to street sweeps and riding [along with local police] for random traffic stops, we are less safe, not more safe."

The argument follows a pattern. Jayapal has long characterized ICE operations in aggressive terms, and she has shown no sign of softening that language despite pushback from the White House and Republican lawmakers. In a separate exchange reported by Breitbart, Jayapal said she had "no rhetoric that I regret" and doubled down on calling ICE a "militarized force" that has "kidnapped and detained people."

Fox News Digital reached out to Jayapal's office for comment on Mullin's rebuttal but did not receive an immediate response.

Mullin counters with 51,000 August arrests and 2,000 deported terror suspects

Mullin did not engage with Jayapal's framing on its own terms. Instead, he pointed to DHS's enforcement numbers and restated the administration's position: anyone who entered the country illegally is, by definition, a lawbreaker who should be removed.

DHS reported that ICE arrested nearly 51,000 illegal immigrants nationwide in August alone, a figure the department described as the highest monthly total on record. Since President Trump took office, ICE has deported more than 2,000 known or suspected terrorists, according to the department. Those numbers represent a scale of enforcement that dwarfs even the large-scale operations that drew national attention earlier this year.

Mullin also referenced the administration's zero-release policy, which DHS says has been in effect for 16 straight months. Under that policy, individuals identified as having entered illegally are not released back into the public while their cases are processed.

On the question of whether enforcement should focus only on immigrants with violent criminal records, Mullin was direct:

"If we're going to have national security in this country, we [need to] know everybody that's entered this country. And so, I'm not going to release you back into the public once we know that you entered this country illegally. It's time for you to go home."

'Angel families' and the preventability argument

Mullin pressed hardest on the consequences of nonenforcement, the cases where illegal immigrants who had not previously been convicted of violent crimes went on to commit them. He invoked the families of victims, often referred to as "angel families," whose loved ones were killed by people who should not have been in the country.

"All the [angel families] that lost their loved ones at the hands of an illegal is 100% preventable, because that illegal shouldn't be in our country to begin with."

He then offered a specific scenario to illustrate the gap in Jayapal's logic. Someone who enters the country illegally and causes a fatal car accident may not have had a prior criminal record, but they still broke the law by entering, and someone is still dead as a result.

"When you have a car accident, and you came... into this country legally, and the Democrats want to say, you're not a criminal and you kill somebody. Yes, you were a criminal and now... you ruined somebody else's life, and now you're a murderer at the same time."

The argument cuts directly against the framework Jayapal used. By her standard, a person without a prior criminal conviction poses "absolutely no threat to public safety." By Mullin's standard, the illegal entry itself is the threat, because every person in the country unlawfully is someone the government cannot vet, track, or hold accountable until something goes wrong.

That distinction is not academic. It is the core policy divide between the two parties on immigration enforcement, and it has been for years. Democrats like Jayapal want enforcement resources concentrated on immigrants with existing criminal records. The Trump administration treats the act of illegal entry as sufficient cause for arrest and removal, regardless of whether additional crimes have been committed.

Jayapal's rhetoric has drawn fire before, including from the White House

Jayapal's characterization of ICE as a force that "kidnaps" people is not new. The White House has previously named her specifically in statements blaming Democratic rhetoric for hostility toward immigration enforcement officers. After a shooting at an ICE facility in Texas, the White House pointed to Jayapal's language as contributing to the climate that produced the attack.

Jayapal rejected that connection entirely. She told reporters she had said nothing that incites violence and argued that the White House should instead focus on a Republican Arizona state representative who she claimed had called for her execution. The pattern is consistent: Jayapal escalates her language about ICE, draws criticism, and responds by deflecting blame to Republicans. It is a cycle that has played out across multiple Squad-related controversies in recent years.

Mullin dismissed the broader Democratic argument as politically motivated. "It's political for them," he said. "They want to say this every day."

He then restated the administration's enforcement posture in terms that left no room for ambiguity:

"When you decide you're going to break our immigration policies, and you're going to cut the line, you're going to step across our southern border, you're going to step across our northern border. You're still a criminal. We're still gonna arrest you."

DHS regularly publicizes arrests and deportations involving illegal immigrants convicted of serious crimes, including murder, child pornography, sexual assault, and drug trafficking. That public-facing record is part of the administration's effort to build the case that enforcement is focused on dangerous individuals, directly contradicting Jayapal's claim that resources are being wasted on people who pose no risk.

Open questions neither side has answered

Jayapal cited no specific data source or methodology for her claim that a majority of summer DHS arrestees posed no public safety threat. She did not define what standard she used to determine threat level, and her office did not respond to press inquiries. That leaves her headline claim, the one Mullin was responding to, without a verifiable foundation in the public record.

DHS, for its part, has not published the underlying report or dataset behind its 51,000-arrest figure for August or its count of more than 2,000 deported terror suspects. Both numbers are attributed to the department as an institution, not to a specific published document. The 16-month zero-release claim also lacks a publicly identified start date or source document.

When politicians on both sides make sweeping statistical claims about immigration enforcement without releasing the data behind them, the public is left to choose which set of unsupported numbers to believe. That is not accountability. It is theater, and the people living with the consequences of border policy deserve better from both the enforcers and the critics.

Jayapal's argument asks Americans to believe that arresting people who broke federal law to enter the country is a waste of resources. Mullin's record, 51,000 arrests in a single month, 2,000 deported terror suspects, and a policy of zero releases, suggests the administration has a different definition of "no threat." For the families who have buried loved ones killed by someone who should never have been here, the distinction is not political. It is personal.

When a lawmaker argues that enforcing immigration law makes the country less safe, the burden of proof belongs to her, and so far, she has not met it.


















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