This story was originally published by the WND News Center.
'If America's policy makers continue accepting these distorted narratives ... they will be compelling Americans to subsidize their own decline'
For years, the U.S.-India relationship has been sold as a mutually beneficial "strategic partnership." Trade agreements are marketed as balanced, offshoring is rebranded as economic modernization and the displacement of American workers is masked behind talking points about innovation and global cooperation.
But beneath this polished narrative lies a stark truth: The partnership has become a one-sided arrangement, heavily tilted in India's favor, enabled by U.S. multinationals, Indian lobbying and economic misdirection.
The latest example comes from the India-based Global Trade Research Initiative or GTRI, which now claims the U.S. runs a $35-$40 billion trade surplus with India. This new characterization of the trade balance between the U.S. and India uses selective accounting tactics, such as counting offshore labor operations in India as American exports, while ignoring the long-term damage to U.S. wages, employment and innovation capacity.
The official U.S. trade deficit with India, as reported by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, remains substantial. In 2024, the United States recorded a $46.08 billion goods deficit with India, an increase from the previous year. While the Global Trade Research Initiative argues that this gap is offset by other revenue streams, such as student tuition payments, software exports, digital services and intellectual property royalties, these claims require closer scrutiny.
It's true that India is a growing consumer of U.S. technology and services. In 2024, total U.S. exports of goods and services to India reached $82.1 billion, a 10.3% increase over 2023. But imports from India also rose to $128.2 billion, up 6.7%, widening the overall trade deficit to $46.1 billion.
Reframing the deficit
The Global Trade Research Initiative attempts to reshape this trade gap by including loosely associated or tangential revenue flows in its analysis, such as digital advertising income, licensing fees and revenues earned by U.S. companies operating in India.
While these revenues may appear in corporate accounting books, they often have little to no bearing on actual trade flows between the two countries. In many cases, the value is created and consumed entirely within India, booked through third-country tax jurisdictions and excluded from official trade statistics maintained by institutions such as the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis and the World Trade Organization. Therefore, including such figures in bilateral trade balance calculations not only violates established global trade accounting standards, it actively obscures the real asymmetry in the U.S.-India economic relationship.
This misrepresentation is not accidental; it is intentional and serves a high-stakes political objective.
As President Donald Trump intensifies efforts to reassert America's economic sovereignty and address long-standing trade deficits, India faces pressure to open its markets, reduce tariffs and eliminate non-tariff barriers. In this context, reframing the deficit becomes a tactical necessity for India. By inflating U.S. gains through creative accounting, India seeks to portray the relationship as balanced, thereby neutralizing demands for reciprocity and delaying enforcement actions that would disrupt its export-driven model.
India has much to gain from maintaining this illusion of parity. It wants continued access to the U.S. market for goods and services, protection of its visa-dependent labor supply chain and uninterrupted flows of American capital, contracts and technology.
At the same time, it remains one of the most protectionist economies in the world, with high tariffs, opaque regulatory processes and a digital economy increasingly shielded by localization mandates and indigenous innovation schemes to become "self-reliant" India. GTRI's economic spin is thus designed to protect this one-sided arrangement by misleading American negotiators, media and lawmakers into believing India is playing fair, when in fact it is extracting significant benefits while offering minimal concessions in return.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has explicitly attacked President Trump's "protectionist" "American First" policies, saying "Many countries are becoming inward focused and globalization is shrinking, and such tendencies can't be considered lesser risks than terrorism or climate change." Meanwhile, India's policies and budgets often include import duties to "provide adequate protection to domestic industry" and "promote creation of more jobs." Critics have even remarked that India's "Make in India" slogan has become, in effect, "Protect in India."
According to Rick Rossow, former deputy director at the U.S.-India Business Council, India's strategy has always been "pro-investment and anti-trade."
By reframing the deficit through distorted metrics, India is not engaging in honest diplomacy; rather, it is executing a long-term influence strategy. And unless U.S. officials look beyond surface-level numbers and examine the underlying capital flows, labor displacements and regulatory asymmetries, the trade relationship will remain fundamentally unequal, hidden behind the illusion of balance.
One of the most egregious distortions in the Global Trade Research Initiative narrative is its treatment of Indian student spending in the United States as a form of "export revenue" contributing to a U.S. trade surplus.
According to GTRI, Indian students studying in America inject over $25 billion annually into the U.S. economy, $15 billion in tuition and $10 billion in living expenses. From this, they argue that education represents one of the most significant and undercounted U.S. "exports" to India. This is not only false, it's a deliberate manipulation of established trade definitions.
At the heart of this argument lies a fundamental misunderstanding – or willful misrepresentation – of how global trade balances are measured. Under internationally accepted accounting standards used by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA), the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization, student spending is classified as "personal travel" or "consumption expenditure by nonresidents," not as a commercial export of goods or services between nations. It is a private expense made by individuals voluntarily choosing to reside temporarily in the United States.
In other words, when an Indian student pays tuition at Purdue or rents an apartment in Ann Arbor, that is not India sending American money for a product. It is an individual participating in the U.S. economy, no different than a tourist buying a Broadway ticket or a foreign national eating at a restaurant in San Francisco. GTRI attempts to retrofit these personal financial decisions into a bilateral trade framework to fabricate a U.S. surplus where none exists.
Moreover, education-related travel is already captured in the BEA's international transactions account under "Exports of Services: Travel (Education-Related)", a line item that includes all spending by international students in the U.S. But even in this context, it remains a subset of consumer spending, not the kind of commercial export one would expect in a trade negotiation or tariff discussion. Including it as a central pillar of the U.S.-India economic relationship is both misleading and irrelevant to the structural trade imbalance.
GTRI's framing also obscures the true cost of this education pipeline. While universities benefit from full-tuition international students, the broader American public does not. Indian students often use international F-1 student visas to secure U.S. work authorizations under Optional Practical Training (OPT) and STEM OPT loopholes, which allow them to work for up to three years post-graduation without being subject to employer-sponsored visa caps and labor protections.
From 2023 to 2024 there were a recorded 378,175 jobs that went to international students studying at U.S. colleges and universities. And according to the Pew Research Center, the OPT program has grown 400% from 2008-2016.
These programs, poorly monitored and exploited by multinational corporations, function as backdoor immigration channels that displace qualified American graduates in STEM and tech roles. So while universities gain revenue, the American workforce loses essential job opportunity.
If India, through its think-tank GTRI, insists on classifying student tuition payments as part of a U.S. trade surplus, then by that logic, the United States should equally account for the far larger and more impactful flows of capital into India – namely remittances, foreign aid and direct investment.
Indian students who often remit income earned during and after their education back to India contribute to a reverse flow of wealth. Once they secure employment under OPT or H-1B, their presence is frequently used by outsourcing firms to build long-term foreign labor pipelines, creating a net drain on U.S. job availability and wage growth.
In 2024 alone, India received approximately $129 billion in inward remittances, 28% of which came from the U.S. – the largest single remittance source for India's economy. These outflows represent real earned income leaving the U.S. economy and directly bolstering India's GDP. If India is going to distort trade logic by including private tuition payments as national income, then it must also reckon with the scale of wealth, investment and development subsidies flowing from the United States into India, none of which are ever acknowledged in GTRI's conveniently narrow calculations.
Misclassifying offshoring as U.S. gains
In its attempt to reframe the U.S.-India trade deficit, the Global Trade Research Initiative also misleadingly counts revenue from Global Capability Centers (GCCs) operated by U.S. corporations in India as part of a supposed American "trade surplus." This framing is fundamentally flawed. GCCs are offshore units – outsourced operations intentionally set up by U.S. firms to cut costs by shifting high-paying white-collar jobs from the United States to low-wage labor markets like India.
These centers do not generate export revenue or contribute to America's GDP. Instead, they represent capital outflows, where U.S. companies pay Indian-based employees and infrastructure to perform work that would otherwise be done by Americans. Indeed, the very function of a GCC is to replace U.S. workers with cheaper foreign labor, often reducing labor costs by 50-80% per employee.
For instance, a $140,000 software engineering role in the U.S. is commonly offshored and replaced with a $45,000 job in India, a direct wage-suppression tactic that not only destroys American incomes and career paths, but also drains local economies of tax revenue and consumer spending.
But according to GTRI's logic, because companies like Amazon, Microsoft, JPMorgan and Google generate digital services revenue from Indian-based Global Capability Centers, some of which may be booked in U.S. corporate accounts, that somehow constitutes a U.S. economic win. This is a fundamental misrepresentation of how GCCs function economically and why they are, in fact, a mechanism for capital outflow and labor arbitrage, not trade inflow.
While revenues may technically be booked in the United States, these centers do not drive American exports; rather, they displace American workers. They should be understood for what they are: job-exporting, wage-suppressing mechanisms that facilitate capital outflow, not trade inflow. U.S. multinationals have poured more than $300 billion into India over the past two decades, fueling Indian infrastructure, technology parks and manufacturing capacity. Framing them as contributors to a U.S. surplus is not only misleading; it conceals the very offshoring engine that is hollowing out the American middle class.
GTRI lumps in the gross revenues earned by U.S. digital giants (e.g., Google, Meta, Microsoft) in India without accounting for local cost and operations, revenue booking across jurisdictions and, most critically, the fact that many of these revenues are generated inside India, often through localized operations, content moderation centers and sales teams. In many cases, these companies reinvest heavily in India or engage in transfer pricing, whereby profits are booked in tax havens, not the U.S.
This maneuver lowers U.S. multinational enterprises' (MNEs) tax jurisdictions while reducing the U.S. Gross Domestic Product and raising the host country's GDP. The use of transfer pricing by digital giants to shift profits into low- or no-tax jurisdictions means revenue from Indian users may be booked in Ireland, Singapore or Bermuda, not the U.S. GTRI's assumption that this revenue counts toward the U.S. trade surplus, citing $15-20 billion in revenue as part of the U.S. trade surplus, is factually incorrect and totally misleading.
In fact, a 2020 Congressional Research Service (CRS) report clearly outlined how digital services companies structure their international operations and why revenue earned abroad is not always taxable, reportable or traceable to the United States in a way that would qualify it as part of the U.S. trade surplus.
Yet, by presenting revenue as a "U.S. surplus," GTRI implies that this money benefits the American economy. But as the Congressional Research Service notes, this revenue does not translate into U.S. tax gains or trade credit, especially when it's routed through foreign subsidiaries. The CSR report also details a 2% "Equalization Levy" – India's version of Digital Service Taxes (DSTs) – a fact undermining GTRI's claim that the revenue constitutes a legitimate U.S. trade surplus. In fact, India doesn't even view the activity as contributing to its own economy, let alone to the U.S. But the U.S. does not necessarily record those revenues as national income either, meaning neither country treats this revenue the way GTRI does.
The illusion of balance, the reality of betrayal
At its core, the Global Trade Research Initiative effort to recast the U.S.-India trade relationship as one of balance, let alone surplus, rests on economic sleight-of-hand, not statistical truth.
India's campaign to redefine the trade deficit is not a misunderstanding; it is a geopolitical tactic.
As trade negotiations with President Trump intensify, India has every incentive to soften the numbers, obscure the imbalance and delay enforcement. Its overall goal, however, is not parity, but preservation for continued access to U.S. markets, expanded visa pipelines and unfettered flows of U.S. capital and technology, all while maintaining protectionist barriers and repatriating economic gains.
Meanwhile, American workers are left jobless, American innovation is offshored and America's economic sovereignty continues to erode.
The U.S. must stop treating statistical propaganda as economic reality. GTRI's manipulated data is not just bad math, it is designed to manipulate American lawmakers into surrendering leverage at the negotiating table. If America's policy makers continue accepting these distorted narratives, they will not only fail to correct the trade deficit, but they will be compelling Americans to subsidize their own decline.
This story was originally published by the WND News Center.
A minister identified as being part of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, commonly described as one of the most liberal organizations claiming the description "Christian," has publicly rebuked the Bible's call to share the Good News with others.
In fact, this pastor promotes the idea that, "There are people who are perfectly happy in other faiths who don't need converting to ours."
The video was posted on social media by Protestia, which monitors "theological mischief-makers."
The pastor, identified as being in the ECLA, "openly rejects the Great Commission," the report said.
"We who are in kind of progressive church circles don't tend to be real excited about the idea of running out and telling other people to change because of Jesus," she said.
That refutes one of the basic teachings in the Bible, often stated and repeated by Jesus himself, that no one reaches the Father, or heaven, without going through Jesus.
In fact, according to the Bible's Great Commission, considered by many to be a primary teaching in the Bible, Jesus said, "All authority in heaven and on earth has been given to me. Therefore, go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and teaching them to obey everything I have commanded you."
Not the Bee noted, "I mean, it's one thing to get the finer points of Christianity wrong. It's another thing to do what this lady does and get the entire religion completely wrong."
The preacher rambles about what comes out of "the better part of my brain," where she has learned "Other people are beloved by God and have God in them and in their lives and speaking to them too and we discover together what God means, so I don't tend to do a lot of running out and telling other people to change their hearts and their lives."
The report noted she also "rants about colonialism and the evils of making uncivilized people civilized and clothing the naked savages."
"I think there are people who are perfectly happy with no faith at all, and I don't think we're doing them any favors if they don't believe in God," she continues.
The Bible makes clear that Jesus is the "only way to heaven," where in Acts it is written, "There is salvation in no one else! God has given no other name under heaven by which we must be saved."
This story was originally published by the WND News Center.
A recent article promoting education software company Terra Dotta's new "Next Gen" platform paints a deceptively optimistic picture of a tech upgrade for international student services. It positions the tool as a critical solution for navigating compliance with the Student and Exchange Visitor Information System, or SEVIS, the Department of Homeland Security's online system for tracking certain classes of foreign students in the U.S. But the article ignores the deeper and more ominous consequences of what Terra Dotta has actually built – a streamlined, automated pipeline from foreign student enrollment to long-term employment, bypassing essential safeguards meant to protect American workers and U.S. immigration integrity.
Beneath its glossy branding, the Next Gen platform is not merely a foreign student support tool, but an end-to-end foreign labor funnel. The software doesn't stop at admissions or visa monitoring; it actively guides students through the life cycle of employment-based immigration, from Optional Practical Training (OPT) and STEM OPT to H-1B visas – and ultimately green card sponsorship.
This automation of the visa-to-work pathway is not incidental; it's the core feature. The purpose of "Next Gen" is to ensure international students remain in the U.S. labor market long after graduation, regardless of workforce demand or labor market conditions. Thus, this is not about support, but rather about retention, conversion and exploitation, all driven by institutions that profit from international tuition and foreign labor demand.
Institutions aren't adopting Terra Dotta to better serve students; they're doing it to protect revenue. After all, international students contributed $43.8 billion to colleges and universities in the United States in 2023-2024. Their presence financially props up graduate programs, funds administrative expansion and helps universities inflate job-placement statistics through extended work authorization loopholes like STEM OPT. Tools like Terra Dotta's ensure these students stay in compliance, remain enrolled and transition smoothly into U.S. employment pipelines, often while bypassing U.S. citizens for entry-level STEM jobs.
This is a business model disguised as education, and platforms like Next Gen provide the back end infrastructure.
The worst part is the automation itself. By embedding immigration transitions into campus systems, the platform removes friction points that might otherwise catch abuse. There is no human discretion, no case-by-case analysis, no scrutiny of student merit or employer intent. If a foreign student gets flagged for SEVIS termination, the system alerts the student before any consequence hits. If a visa deadline approaches, the system nudges the student toward the next immigration category, usually one that benefits the student's institution or a tech employer looking for a cheap hire. It is an unregulated, AI-assisted visa machine that institutionalizes what should be a rigorously controlled process.
Terra Dotta's software is not helping U.S. compliance, it's replacing it. And in so doing, it's enabling the systematic exclusion of U.S. workers from the hiring process. The same universities can now implement software that guarantees foreign nationals uninterrupted access to U.S. jobs, making their university more competitive to attract international students while taxpayers and students foot the bill. This is the quiet digitization of labor displacement, and it's being sold under the guise of student support.
What the PIE News article really showcases is a tech-enabled end-run around immigration enforcement. There's no mention of the abuse of STEM OPT, which lets foreign graduates work for up to three years without employer sponsorship or labor market testing. There's no mention of the 4,700 SEVIS terminations that occurred in just one semester, many tied to fraud or non-compliance. There's no acknowledgment that these so-called student pipelines are now the backbone of major corporations' offshore labor strategies. And there's certainly no accountability for how tools like Terra Dotta are fueling this system.
This isn't innovation. It's automation for exploitation. While the media frames Terra Dotta's rollout as compassionate modernization, Americans should see it for what it really is: a fully digitized foreign worker pipeline built right into America's schools, paid for with tuition dollars and protected by silence.
The only thing Next Gen supports is a future where American graduates are replaced – by design.
This story was originally published by the WND News Center.
One of the more "insurrectiony" things that those Americans arrested and persecuted by Joe Biden's Department of Justice over the J6 protests did was that they sang and recorded, while they were gathered together in a jail, the National Anthem.
President Donald Trump joined in what eventually was a fundraiser for prisoners accused of offenses like trespassing by recording the Pledge of Allegiance.
And for that, authoritarians embedded in the Biden administration wanted criminal charges filed.
It was a commentary at PJMedia that reflected on the revelations documented by Democrat emails.
"Democrats have spent months theatrically clutching their pearls over President Trump's supposed authoritarianism, and the past week reveling in their self-righteous 'No Kings' protests. But now, bombshell internal FBI emails have pulled back the curtain, catapulting their own authoritarian behavior into full view," it said.
"Rogue agents and prosecutors in Joe Biden's Department of Justice were apparently so desperate to bury Donald Trump under new criminal charges that they zeroed in on — wait for it — his involvement with the J6 prisoner choir. Yes, you read that right: the choir. The effort was based on a single, laughably partisan Forbes article. This is peak Democrat hypocrisy, folks."
It was columnist Miranda Devine who reported in the New York Post on the emails.
She explained they exposed the "Biden DOJ's obsession with piling on Trump charges."
"Internal FBI emails reveal that rogue agents and prosecutors in the Biden DOJ were looking for ways to pile on new criminal charges against Donald Trump over the Jan. 6 Capitol riot — this time over his involvement with the J6 prisoner choir, based on a single partisan news article," she explained "The 2023 emails obtained by Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and revealed exclusively to The Post are an example of the nitpicking malice of anti-Trump lawfare that tainted special counsel Jack Smith's investigation, during Joe Biden's presidency."
It was an email from PJ Cooney to others in the DOJ that demanded, "Can we do some work to nail down Trump's role in this."
Attached was a Forbes.com article claiming "Trump collaborates on Song with Jan. 6 Defendants."
In fact, a video posted on social media shows men in jail "singing the national anthem at the DC jail in 2023."
The report revealed Cooney collaborated with "both the Robert Mueller and Smith get-Trump special counsel investigations."
The Forbes piece claimed Trump recorded the Pledge of Allegiance as part of the project.
Cooney's demands went to multiple agents and DOJ staff, "including notorious anti-Trump FBI Special Agent Walter Giardina, who responded two days later to say he was investigating the claims…"
Giardina also was "significantly involved in Operation Crossfire Hurricane," which involved debunked claims about Russian collusion.
"According to Grassley, Giardina was an 'initial recipient of the Steele Dossier' and falsely claimed that the bogus Clinton campaign smear sheet against Trump was corroborated as 'true.' Giardina also 'electronically wiped the laptop he was assigned while working for Special Counsel Mueller outside of established protocol for record preservation, raising the possibility that he destroyed government records,'" the report said.
Grassley now considers this specific email chain as a clear example of how the federal government was weaponized to "get Trump."
He told the Post, "Partisan prosecutors and agents were surfing the web to find any shred of information they could use to spin another baseless case against Trump. Their actions are a disservice to Americans, who pay their salaries and depend on DOJ and FBI to keep them safe."
The commentary at PJMedia noted the emails "Reveal the depths of anti-Trump lawfare that festered under Biden's watch. Special Counsel Jack Smith's investigation, already an icon of politicized justice, was tainted by this nitpicking malice."
It continued, "Because nothing screams 'threat to democracy' like a song collaboration, right?"
"Let's unpack this steaming load of hypocrisy. While Democrats scream about Trump's supposed dictatorial tendencies, Biden's own DOJ was scheming to criminalize his every move — even something as trivial as associating with a choir," it said.
This story was originally published by the WND News Center.
GRANTS PASS, Oregon – Two Oregon educators who were fired for expressing their opinions about gender-identity issues on their own time have won a victory in the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals.
The two women, Rachel Sager (previously Damiano), a former assistant principal, and Katie Medart, a teacher, had sued the Grants Pass School District after being fired over their production of a 2021 video, called "I Resolve," that presented ideas about how the district could handle issues surrounding the use of pronouns and restrooms amid the growing popularity of students identifying as genders counter to their biological sex. The two hoped the district would establish policies that protected student privacy, respected parental rights and labeled restrooms and changing areas based on "anatomical gender presentation."
A three-judge panel ruled Monday that the women can move forward with their lawsuit.
As reported by the Oregon Eagle, Judge Jennifer Sung wrote that there are real disputes over what the pair did and whether it disrupted the district enough to justify their firings, meaning a jury of the educators' peers may now decide whether their speech was wrongly punished by the district.
Sager and Medart's video was made at a local church during spring break on their own time, but allegations arose that they used some work time and school email accounts, and that Medart mentioned an actual student's situation in the film. As WND reported, after initially being fired, the district reinstated them but in different positions.
The educators sued the school district for violating their free speech, equal protection, Title VII rights and the Oregon Constitution. A lower court threw out their claims, but the 9th Circuit decision brings key parts of the suit back to life.
Matthew Hoffmann, legal counsel for Alliance Defending Freedom, which has been working on the case, told the Oregon Eagle the ruling affirms vital rights for teachers.
"The 9th Circuit recognized that teachers don't give up their free speech and religious rights when they step onto campus. Government employers can't silence speech just because they disagree with it," Hoffmann said.
"Rachel and Katie spoke up for what they believed was best for everyone: parents, students and staff alike. They didn't break the law. They didn't harm anyone. They offered ideas. The district fired them for it, and that's flatly unconstitutional."
Hoffmann says the message is clear: "Public schools can't play favorites in the culture war. They can't protect one side and punish the other. This decision defends freedom for every teacher to speak up and stand with families."
The lawsuit now goes back to the trial court, and based on the result there, either side could appeal again, potentially reaching the U.S. Supreme Court.
This story was originally published by the WND News Center.
India's leaders claim they're fighting for independence and peace. But behind the patriotic slogans and colorful summits lies a coordinated campaign of manipulation, extraction and strategic dominance, targeting America's jobs, intellectual property – and even its defense systems.
At the heart of this campaign is the concept of "Atmanirbharata," a Hindi term loosely translated as "self-reliance." Yet, as revealed during the recent Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) Annual Business Summit, that term is being weaponized to justify India's growing demands for unfettered access to U.S. military technology, defense partnerships and global trade advantages.
"Atmanirbharata is the only way," said Air Chief Marshal A P Singh during the 2025 CII Summit in New Delhi. "We need to be future-ready. We need to act today and get into quick 'Make in India' programs, while 'Design in India' progresses in the near future."
On its surface, it sounds like a patriotic call to strengthen India's own capabilities. In reality, it's a Trojan horse strategy that uses bilateral trade, U.S. partnerships and soft power diplomacy to siphon off American innovation and dominate key global industries by 2047, India's self-declared deadline to become a global superpower.
Make in India? or Made from American tech?
India's "Make in India" and "Design in India" campaigns are often pitched as economic opportunities for U.S. companies to tap into a rising market. But in practice, they're structured to extract sensitive intellectual property, gain privileged access to U.S. defense systems and reverse-engineer foreign-developed platforms for Indian use and export.
Programs like "Indus X, a U.S.-India defense innovation bridge alongside deep integration with the Confederation of Indian Industry, have created pathways for India to solicit American technology, defense partnerships and dual-use research under the guise of cooperation.
These initiatives are not benign. They serve a deliberate national strategy: Gain access, localize production and convert American innovation into Indian-owned dominance.
According to the India's Defence Industrial Sector Vision 2047 report by CII and prominent accounting firm KPMG, India is actively executing a 20-year plan to overtake the global defense market by fast-tracking international collaborations, joint ventures and licensing deals – especially with the United States. Their stated goal is to bypass decades of domestic R&D by pulling in advanced technology, building it on Indian soil and turning it into indigenous systems for both domestic use and export.
India's Defense Acquisition Procedure (DAP) has facilitated foreign firms being lured into joint ventures and technology partnerships, only to see their innovations stripped, repackaged and rebranded under Beijing's control. Despite the clear lessons from China's tech-theft playbook, India has successfully repurposed the same tactics under the banner of "trusted partnership."
Today, India leverages anti-China rhetoric to secure U.S. assistance in transferring technologies, securing capital investment and building the very infrastructure that will empower its digital dominance. Washington has already committed to enhancing India's processing power, funding large-scale data center development and investing more than $2 million in joint R&D, all framed as a necessary counter to communist China.
But India's goal is not simply collaboration or partnership. It's technological capture.
The CII-KPMG report makes it clear: India cannot currently compete in high-end defense manufacturing due to gaps in R&D investment, talent retention and industrial infrastructure. So instead, the strategy is to build those capabilities on the backs of foreign innovation. And under India's policies, all R&D that enters India stays in India, benefiting Indian state-backed firms, not American interests.
What U.S. policymakers must understand is that any bilateral agreement or defense cooperation with India is not a partnership of equals. It's a calculated arrangement designed to transfer American brainpower and proprietary defense capabilities into a permanent Indian industrial advantage, one that ultimately undermines U.S. military edge, economic sovereignty and national security.
Counter to China today, India dominance tomorrow
India's Defense Acquisition Procedure (DAP) has facilitated foreign firms being lured into joint ventures and technology partnerships, only to see their innovations stripped, repackaged and rebranded under Beijing's control. Despite the clear lessons from China's tech-theft playbook, India has successfully repurposed the same tactics under the banner of "trusted partnership."
Today, India leverages anti-China rhetoric to secure U.S. assistance in transferring technologies, securing capital investment and building the very infrastructure that will empower its digital dominance. Washington has already committed to enhancing India's processing power, funding large-scale data center development and investing more than $2 million in joint R&D, all framed as a necessary counter to communist China.
But India's goal is not simply collaboration or partnership. It's technological capture.
The CII-KPMG report makes it clear: India cannot currently compete in high-end defense manufacturing due to gaps in R&D investment, talent retention and industrial infrastructure. So instead, the strategy is to build those capabilities on the backs of foreign innovation. And under India's policies, all R&D that enters India stays in India, benefiting Indian state-backed firms, not American interests.
What U.S. policymakers must understand is that any bilateral agreement or defense cooperation with India is not a partnership of equals. It's a calculated arrangement designed to transfer American brainpower and proprietary defense capabilities into a permanent Indian industrial advantage, one that ultimately undermines U.S. military edge, economic sovereignty and national security.
Counter to China today, India dominance tomorrow
This wasn't just economic realism, it was a warning: India doesn't view foreign investment as partnership. It views it as a strategic weapon, a tool to capture technology, rebrand it under "Make in India" and convert American innovation into Indian geopolitical power.
Yet, while India quietly screens every deal through a sovereignty-first lens, it sells itself to U.S. policymakers as a "trusted partner," a counterweight to China and a democratic ally. That framing, now repeated by think tanks, foreign policy elites and bipartisan lawmakers, is India's most effective lobbying tool. It deflects scrutiny and unlocks everything from defense co-production to semiconductor investment to bilateral technology agreements.
As noted in a recent Eurasia Review analysis, India's growing closeness with the United States is already reshaping the geopolitical balance of Asia, particularly its relationship with China. Joint military exercises, arms transfers and intelligence sharing between India and the U.S. have emboldened India to take a more aggressive stance on the Chinese border. That's not just strategic cooperation, It's India using the China card to gain access to top-tier U.S. defense capabilities and next-gen technologies.
This wasn't just economic realism, it was a warning: India doesn't view foreign investment as partnership. It views it as a strategic weapon, a tool to capture technology, rebrand it under "Make in India" and convert American innovation into Indian geopolitical power.
Yet, while India quietly screens every deal through a sovereignty-first lens, it sells itself to U.S. policymakers as a "trusted partner," a counterweight to China and a democratic ally. That framing, now repeated by think tanks, foreign policy elites and bipartisan lawmakers, is India's most effective lobbying tool. It deflects scrutiny and unlocks everything from defense co-production to semiconductor investment to bilateral technology agreements.
As noted in a recent Eurasia Review analysis, India's growing closeness with the United States is already reshaping the geopolitical balance of Asia, particularly its relationship with China. Joint military exercises, arms transfers and intelligence sharing between India and the U.S. have emboldened India to take a more aggressive stance on the Chinese border. That's not just strategic cooperation, It's India using the China card to gain access to top-tier U.S. defense capabilities and next-gen technologies.
This story was originally published by the WND News Center.
As America faces a storm of inflation, mass layoffs and growing economic instability, a deeper and more unsettling reality is emerging, one that few in Washington are willing to confront: Over the past decade, India has skillfully weaponized the U.S. visa system, turning it into a tool for national gain and the expense of multitudes of American workers.
Backed by relentless lobbying from powerful trade groups like the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), Indian multinational enterprises have flooded the American labor market with foreign workers, displacing U.S. citizens and reshaping entire industries under the guise of "partnership."
What was once sold as a diplomatic and economic alliance rooted in shared prosperity has proven to be anything but mutual. Instead, it has led to a quiet yet deliberate transfer of American jobs, wealth and technological leverage, a transfer that now stands as one of the most costly misjudgments in modern U.S. trade and labor history.
While federal officials continue to tout a "resilient economy," the reality for millions of American workers is starkly different. The Ludwig Institute for Shared Economic Prosperity (LISEP) reports that nearly 25% of working-age Americans are "functionally unemployed," meaning they are jobless, underemployed or earning below a living wage. This figure includes more than 5.7 million people excluded from the Bureau of Labor Statistics' official count simply because they've given up actively looking for work.
"Nearly one-in-four workers are functionally unemployed," warned LISEP chairman Gene Ludwig, "and current trends show little sign of improvement."
Likewise, according to the Roosevelt Institute, long-term unemployment has surged, with over 1.7 million Americans jobless for 27 weeks or more. Economist Alí Bustamante noted a 20.4% unemployment rate in white-collar sectors such as marketing, software development and data science, fields now heavily dominated by H-1B workers, overwhelmingly from India.
A separate Oxford Economics report found that recent U.S. graduates accounted for nearly 85% of new unemployment claims since mid-2023, a devastating sign of what awaits the next generation.
Meanwhile, the Federal Reserve confirmed that the U.S. economy has contracted over the past six weeks and confidence among employers has sharply declined. According to ZipRecruiter's Job Seeker Index, 40% of applicants now believe suitable jobs don't exist. And for countless young Americans, promised that college would be the gateway to prosperity, those degrees now feel worthless in the very sectors they were trained to enter.
Yet, even in the face of this unraveling, the U.S. government continues to approve more than 120,000 new H-1B visas each year, injecting more foreign labor into a collapsing job market. This is no longer a policy oversight, but rather, a deliberate betrayal of American workers, sacrificed at the altar of global labor pipelines and foreign appeasement.
Policy by proxy: CII's quiet campaign to reframe U.S. labor and trade through strategic messaging
To understand India's role in shaping American employment policy, one must examine the machinery behind it: the India lobby. This powerful and meticulously coordinated network includes government-affiliated industry bodies, multinational corporations and diaspora-driven advocacy groups, all working to align U.S. policy with India's economic interests. At its core, the lobby operates around three strategic objectives: securing preferential access to the U.S. labor market, eliminating trade barriers that constrain Indian firms, and shaping favorable narratives around immigration, globalization and bilateral partnership.
Through targeted messaging, think tank influence and high-level political engagement, the India lobby has deeply influenced U.S. labor, trade and defense policies for years, at the direct expense of American workers and industries.
Groups like the U.S.-India Business Council (USIBC), North American Association of Indian IT Professionals (NAAIIP), the National Association of Software and Services Companies (NASSCOM) and the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) have framed their efforts as a partnership, pro-globalization and pro-innovation, casting visa liberalization and labor mobility as paths to shared prosperity.
Yet their lobbying campaigns frequently warn against "Buy American" provisions or any proposed regulation that protects American labor. In their view, such policies are not safeguards, but "aggressively protectionist."
India's lobby even raised objections while supporting broader legislative proposals, like the Economic Opportunity and Immigration Modernization Act, which aimed to massively expand high-skilled visa caps and eliminate green card backlogs. When that bill proposed increasing application fees for employers whose U.S. workforce was more than 50% H-1B holders, both the U.S.-India Business Council and the Confederation of Indian Industry immediately protested, claiming the measure "essentially targets Indian firms operating in the U.S." and violates the spirit of the U.S.-India strategic partnership.
Ron Somers, then-president of the U.S.-India Business Council, went further: He asserted that congressional efforts to rein in H-1B and L-1 visa abuse were "discriminatory." And when the victimhood card didn't work, thinly veiled threats followed: "The specific targeting of Indian companies could create unintended consequences, including a backlash against U.S. companies operating in India," he warned.
The H-1B visa, originally intended as a narrow solution for employers who could not find qualified U.S. workers, was repackaged by the U.S.-India Business Council as "a critical tool in strengthening bilateral trade and investment." In reality, it had become one of India's most potent economic levers: a trade strategy disguised as a talent pipeline, backed by a relentless lobbying machine willing to cry foul and "discrimination" at any attempt to put American workers first.
Meanwhile, executives at the Confederation of Indian Industry strongly opposed any proposed H-1B restrictions, framing them as "protectionist" measures that would undermine global economic recovery. Rather than acknowledging serious concerns about displacement or labor market saturation, CII promoted offshoring and cross-border labor mobility as key drivers of growth. To support this narrative, the organization routinely produced polished lobbying materials, such as the India Matters for America report, the Indian roots, American Soil study and the Roadmap to $500 billion blueprint, all strategically crafted to influence U.S. lawmakers, corporate executives and trade officials.
These documents positioned Indian labor mobility not merely as an immigration issue, but as a bilateral trade imperative, embedding workforce access into broader economic negotiations between the two countries.
The protectionism paradox: The geopolitical weaponization of the 'discrimination' narrative and why defending American jobs was branded as Anti-India
India strategically frames "protectionism" as a pejorative term to discredit any U.S. policy that prioritizes American workers or enforces immigration and trade laws, casting such measures as discriminatory or anti-global rather than lawful and necessary. But as it turns out the "protectionism" was seriously warranted all along.
For despite the India lobby's insistence that H-1B labor mobility benefits both countries, the evidence shows that systemic abuse, discrimination and visa fraud were not outliers but part of the operating model for many of the largest Indian multinationals in the U.S. These same firms claiming that protectionism would harm strategic partnerships have faced repeated allegations and federal actions for discriminating against and displacing American workers, abusing visa channels and gaming the U.S. labor system to their advantage.
Infosys, for example, paid a then-record $34 million settlement for systemic visa fraud involving the misuse of visas to circumvent H-1B regulations. The company was again investigated in 2021 over allegations of discriminatory hiring practices favoring Indian and South Asian workers. IT consulting company Cognizant likewise faced multiple lawsuits over its hiring practices, including a high-profile federal case in which it was accused of violating anti-discrimination laws by systematically favoring Indian nationals for hiring and promotion over equally or more qualified American workers.
In a landmark verdict, a U.S. jury found Cognizant guilty of discrimination, confirming that the company had, since at least 2013, unlawfully prioritized Indian workers in ways that directly harmed American employees and job applicants.
Indian tech company Wipro has also been the subject of multiple EEOC complaints and was named in a whistleblower lawsuit alleging a consistent pattern of replacing American employees with H-1B visa holders, favoring South Asian workers regardless of merit or tenure. Tech Mahindra faced similar allegations in a 2020 federal class action lawsuit that accused the company of discriminatory employment practices against non-South Asian and older American professionals, including biased terminations and hiring preferences in favor of Indian nationals.
HCL Technologies was also named in a major class action lawsuit believed to involve thousands of affected U.S. workers, alleging widespread discriminatory hiring practices. These cases, many brought by the law firm Kotchen & Low, have exposed a disturbing pattern across top-tier Indian IT companies, with Infosys, Wipro, Cognizant, Tech Mahindra and Tata Consultancy Services all accused of systematically disadvantaging qualified American workers in violation of U.S. labor and civil rights laws.
These patterns are far from isolated. They represent a coordinated and deeply entrenched strategy that has reshaped the American labor market.
Indian IT giants didn't merely displace individual U.S. workers; they systematically undercut entire sectors, including domestic staffing firms, by deploying a business model rooted in low-cost H‑1B labor and aggressive offshoring. As the Economic Policy Institute documented, firms like HCL engaged in widespread wage theft, underpaying H‑1B workers by over $95 million annually, exploiting loopholes in U.S. visa law to maximize profits while eroding American wage standards.
The fallout didn't stop with workers. American staffing companies, once the backbone of domestic talent pipelines, have either shuttered under the weight of unfair wage competition or opted to outsource themselves. This isn't just a matter of job loss; it's a slow dismantling of the broader U.S. labor ecosystem.
Even as American livelihoods were outsourced, the India lobby again reframed the narrative. Industry-backed studies circulated among U.S. policymakers claimed that "outsourcing and globalization will benefit the U.S. economy" "through cheaper services, greater efficiency and higher shareholder returns," assuring that any "pain and suffering caused by the dislocation of U.S. workers" would be more than offset by broader macroeconomic gains.
In reality, those dislocations hollowed out communities, careers and entire industries in America.
Yet through all of this, not one of the major India-based industry groups, CII, USIBC, NASSCOM or NAAIIP, has meaningfully addressed these abuses. Instead, they have portrayed any attempt to implement reforms or oversight as "discriminatory" against Indian firms, effectively shielding repeat offenders from accountability. While American workers were pushed aside, lobbyists and corporate executives were busy spinning talking points about innovation, diversity and "bilateral growth."
While clear evidence of abuse piled up, U.S. policymakers repeatedly failed to uphold their duty to protect American workers. Congressional hearings have highlighted these issues for years, yet lawmakers from both parties have refused to enact meaningful reforms or enforce existing laws. Whether motivated by political convenience, donor influence or diplomatic priorities, the outcome has been the same: American labor was sacrificed in favor of India's economic ambitions.
Perhaps the answer lies in the enormous lobbying budgets poured into Washington by Infosys, Cognizant, Tata, Wipro and HCL, together spending nearly $35 million over this period. These companies have relentlessly lobbied for looser H-1B and L-1 visa rules, the elimination of per-country green card limits and the defeat of any policy that would curb outsourcing, raise labor costs, or strengthen protections for American workers. Their well-funded campaigns have enabled the unchecked displacement of American jobs, blocking every serious effort at accountability or reform.
Visa policy as a trade weapon
India has made no secret of its strategy. As early as 2009, both the Confederation of Indian Industry and Indian ambassadors urged U.S. lawmakers to treat H-1B access as a trade concession no different than tariffs or market entry rights. During high-level meetings with U.S. Chamber of Commerce executives and members of Congress, CII consistently tied "skilled labor mobility" to broader trade negotiations.
Strengthening US-India Economic Partnerships
India's gambit was simple: Use visas as a form of leverage to gain access to American markets, technology and capital while avoiding reciprocal commitments. In 2020, Indian officials expressed optimism that the Biden administration would go soft on immigration policy.
Joe Biden Means a Lot for India
By 2021, India had become the top recipient of H-1Bs and the largest source of foreign students in the U.S., with over 100,000 Indian students attending American universities.
Strengthening US-India Economic Partnerships
While India advanced its labor-export strategy with precision, the American public was left to reconcile a glaring contradiction: On paper, the U.S. economy remained strong, still the world's top importer and exporter, with wages reportedly rising and the U.S. share of global gross national product once again increasing. But despite these markers of success, American workers felt increasingly uncertain about their futures.
The promise of prosperity no longer matched their lived reality. The job market, especially for new graduates and white-collar professionals, became saturated, offshored or automated. Confidence plummeted. The disconnect was so stark that many began gravitating toward leaders like Donald Trump and his campaign promises of "Make America Great Again" and "America First", whose rhetoric resonated with citizens who felt sidelined by trade deals and immigration policies that favored foreign interests, especially those aggressively pushed by India.
Americans voted for the America First promise
During his first administration, Trump attempted to curb the displacement of American workers by issuing executive orders focused on restoring integrity to the H-1B program and enforcing a "Hire American, Buy American" agenda, efforts aimed at protecting domestic labor from being undercut by cheap foreign imports and outsourcing schemes masquerading as skilled migration, a policy that was later revoked during the Biden administration.
Americans who voted for Donald Trump in 2016 and 2024 did so with clear economic anxieties in mind. Many working-class and middle-income voters felt sidelined by declining job prospects, wage stagnation and the threat of automation making his campaign promises to "make America great again" a genuine beacon of hope.
Throughout Trump's campaign, voters were drawn to the belief that "America First" and "Make America Great Again" would mean bringing more jobs back to America, that it would "end the theft of American prosperity" by both illegal and "legal" immigration. But as the campaign progressed, cracks began to appear.
By mid‑2024, Trump began softening. Speaking on a All-In podcast hosted by Silicon Valley tech investors, angel investor Jason Calacanis told Trump the U.S. needs to be able to legally retain more high-skilled workers, a major issue for the tech industry, where Trump proposed granting green cards to foreign students upon U.S. college graduation: "If you graduate from a U.S. college, you should automatically get a Green Card as part of your diploma." This marked a departure from his earlier strict stance.
That evolution sparked both praise from industry leaders like Elon Musk, who insisted America needed those skilled graduates, and sharp criticism from right-wing figures who saw it as a betrayal of working Americans. Musk, a former H‑1B holder himself, asserted that the program contributes essential talent, while populist voices warned it would undercut their economic base.
To many Trump voters who backed his anti-immigration posture, this shift felt like a broken promise. They had trusted that his rhetoric would curb offshoring, close visa loopholes and deliver real job protection. Instead, they watched as temporary relief gave way to compromises that favored strategic economic elites and left their dreams of job security unfulfilled.
Since Trump's return to the White House in January 2025, India has intensified its strategic push on multiple fronts, visa diplomacy, trade and geopolitical coordination, all clearly aimed at preserving its advantaged position in the U.S. labor market.
In the opening days of Trump's new term, India's Ministry of External Affairs swiftly reaffirmed that H‑1B visa access "benefits both countries," publicly thanking Trump and Elon Musk for their backing, including Musk's willingness to go to "war" to defend H-1B visas. As the new administration increased scrutiny on H‑1B petitions, Indian professionals pivoted toward alternative channels, L‑1, O‑1 and EB‑5 visas, driving a surge in demand of up to 50% since January 2025.
India-US Relations Set to Grow with H-1B Visa Support from Trump
In a calculated diplomatic gesture, India agreed to repatriate approximately 18,000 undocumented nationals in a move aimed at preserving legal migration pathways for its H-1B workforce. The proposal, timed to align with Trump's renewed focus on immigration enforcement, signaled India's willingness to cooperate on deportations as a means to protect its long-term labor interests.
Surprisingly, India ranks as the third-largest source of illegal immigrants in the United States, with nearly 90,000 Indian nationals arrested attempting to cross the U.S. border illegally in 2023 alone.
During Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's February visit to Washington, he reaffirmed this stance at the White House, stating, "If Indians are living in the U.S. illegally, India is ready to take them back." That visit also secured trade and tariff concessions: India agreed to reduce duties on U.S. imports, including motorcycles and whiskey, and signaled openness to broader bilateral tariff dialogues, consistent with a deal framework that Trump administration officials suggested could be finalized by mid-2025.
The labor takeover: How India replaced Americans in their own economy
Today, more than five million Indians hold nonimmigrant visas to the U.S. and have a mission to issue thousands more each day.
U.S. consulates in India issued over one million nonimmigrant visas in 2024 for the second year running and piloted a domestic H‑1B renewal program now slated for expansion in 2025, a development supported by Indian-American lawmakers and celebrated in Indian media as a win for "bilateral mobility."
The U.S. mission quietly issued tens of thousands of permanent residency permits to Indian visa holders on arrival under the banner of "family reunification" Over 72% of H-1Bs go to India-born workers year after year, facilitated by lobbying groups like CII and NASSCOM, which have pushed to eliminate wage floors, oversight and limits on job portability.
Critics like Ronil Hira, a leading expert on tech labor policy, have warned that the system not only displaces Americans, but also traps Indian workers in arrangements that amount to indentured servitude, as they are completely beholden to the company that hires them.
"There is no systemic shortage of American tech workers," Hira testified before Congress. "This is about cost, not skills."
Yet, the myth persists. India's government, global consultants and Indian-American CEOs continue to cast H-1B expansion as an innovation necessity. Meanwhile, Indian companies use the system to build their own U.S. presence, extract corporate secrets and reroute R&D and contracts back to India.
In sum, India's 2025 strategy is unambiguous: It has doubled down on curated visa access, diplomatic coordination on immigration and trade and national capacity building. The result has preserved its leverage in the U.S. even as America's own labor market shows signs of decline.
When promises become policy … and policy becomes betrayal
In 2025, as artificial intelligence began replacing white-collar jobs en masse, India doubled down. Officials called for more remittances, more "global mobility" and expanded visa access through schemes like GATI, which aims to export millions more skilled Indian workers to Western nations including the U.S. as a formal economic development tool.
Despite mass layoffs across the U.S. tech and white-collar sectors, USCIS recently disclosed that 120,141 H-1B visa applications were selected for fiscal year 2025, each representing a foreign worker who could displace an American in industries already shedding jobs. Rather than acknowledging this growing concern, Indian media outlets have launched coordinated attacks on Americans who dare to speak out.
The Times of India mocked critics, stating "MAGA supporters freaked out over the 'huge' number of H-1B approvals and contended that U.S. jobs are still being stolen," downplaying the figure as insignificant.
In a nation of 1.4 billion, 120,000 may seem trivial. In the United States, however, where many citizens are struggling to find employment or reenter the job market, even one job lost to a foreign worker is one too many. Americans are rightfully alarmed when their own government permits visa-based labor imports, while their neighbors remain unemployed, their children face bleak job prospects and the American Dream continues to slip further out of reach.
A decade-long bargain that never paid off
Despite more than a decade of high-level summits, diplomatic photo ops and carefully worded declarations emphasizing "mutual prosperity," the U.S.-India economic relationship has remained deeply one-sided. What was sold as a strategic partnership, founded on the premises of "reciprocal trade," "open markets" and "shared growth," has instead operated as a conduit for India's economic advancement at America's expense.
While Indian firms enjoy unrestricted access to American markets, India continues to shield its own, limiting U.S. firms' reciprocal access to Indian markets. India maintains one of the highest average tariff rates among U.S. trade partners at 17% and continues to impose protectionist barriers on U.S. technology, media, agriculture, pharmaceuticals and digital services. India's discriminatory procurement policies still favor local suppliers and domestic firms, often under the banner of "Aatmanirbhar Bharat," or economic self-reliance.
Americans became the collateral damage
Now, as the job market softens and recession warnings loom, Americans are waking up to the harsh reality that they were never part of the equation. They were the cost. Today's employment crisis isn't accidental; it's structural, built over decades of policy favoring foreign interests, cheap labor and global integration at the expense of national stability. And at the center of it all was a visa program marketed as "high skill," but repurposed as a powerful geopolitical tool.
India played the long game. American leaders folded. And U.S. workers were left behind.
Americans deserve the truth about how this happened. The trail leads back to India, their trade groups like the Confederation of Indian Industry, foreign lobbying networks, corporate collusion and a political class that chose profits over patriotism. It's time to put America first again and to demand that America's immigration, trade and labor policies serve its people, not foreign governments.
This story was originally published by the WND News Center.
A father who, it seemed, fought the entirety of multiple states' judicial systems as well as the well-funded agenda that deviantly endorses chemical "treatment" and surgical mutilations to claim that boys can become girls or vice versa, it celebrating a victory.
It is Jeff Younger, whose story has been well-chronicled across media platforms, who is noting the closure of a California "clinic" that promotes transgender agendas and actions.
Of course, following the science, transgenderism doesn't occur, as being male or female is embedded in the human body down to the DNA level.
WND had reported last year when a California judge permanently stripped the Texas father of all parental rights to his twin sons, James and Jude, granting Younger's ex-wife, Anne Georgulas, the authority to chemically and surgically transition their 12-year-old son, James, against his father's wishes.
Younger's ex-wife, a pediatrician, began transitioning their son by presenting him as a girl at just two and a half years old. The father has fought tooth and nail to protect his child. Despite video evidence supporting his concerns, courts in Texas and California have systematically stripped him of his parental rights, according to the Gateway Pundit.
He originally had been granted shared custody, but that status was destroyed by a move of his ex-wife to California and that state's decision to be a "sanctuary" state for adults imposing transgender ideas on children.
Younger dubbed Texas family court judge Mary Brown, "Bloody Mary Brown" and she allegedly ignored expert testimony that benefitted his arguments.
The case then went to California's courts.
There it was another judge, Mark Juhas, to tried to put him in jail, eventually permanently revoking Younger's parental rights.
Now a Revolver News report is headlined, "Liberals laughed at him for fighting his son's transition: 'Who's laughing now …'"
The report explained the Los Angeles Times has confirmed, "Under mounting pressure from the Trump administration, Children's Hospital Los Angeles will shutter its longstanding healthcare program for trans children and young adults this summer, according to emails reviewed by The Times. The Center for Transyouth Health and Development began telling its nearly 3,000 patient families of the closure on Thursday, saying there was 'no viable alternative' that would allow the safety-net hospital to continue specialized care."
That report said the closure decision came after "a lengthy and thorough assessment of the increasingly severe impacts of federal administrative actions and proposed policies" that have emerged.
Hospital officials openly acknowledged in the report continuing the trans center would jeopardize the hospital's ability to care for hundreds of thousands of other children.
The hospital noted the U.S. attorney general, HHS, and others had warned against such mutilating treatments on pain of prosecution.
The report explained, "When Jeff Younger stood in a California courtroom and told activist Judge Mark Juhas that he would shut down the gender clinic at LA Children's Hospital, they laughed in his face. His ex-wife laughed. The lawyers laughed. The court treated him like a joke. Well, they're not laughing anymore…"
This story was originally published by the WND News Center.
Democrat Sen. Alex Padilla, from California, has been forcibly removed from a press conference featuring Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem for heckling.
The video shows multiple security officers restraining Padilla, then removing him from the room.
He shouts, "Hands off!" after being moved through double doors that partition off an entry area from the news conference room. Earlier, he is heard saying, "I'm Sen. Alex Padilla. I have questions for the secretary."
The Hill reported Padilla's office did not immediately respond to questions, but Noem confirmed she would visit with him.
"When I leave here, I'll find him and visit and find out really what his concerns were. I think everybody in America would agree that that wasn't appropriate, that if you wanted to have a civil discussion, especially as a leader, a public official, that you would reach out and try to have a conversation," she said.
She continued, "For instance, I have left voicemails for Gov. Newsom wanting to have a conversation. Has he returned them? No, he hasn't."
The strident encounters have developed as U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers have conducted raids across Los Angeles as part of their work to deliver warrants and make arrests in a probe of criminal cartel activity, including money laundering.
However, activists supporting illegal alien criminals and their presence in the U.S. have responded with riots over the president's overall agenda to secure the border, deport illegal alien criminals, and more.
This story was originally published by the WND News Center.
Democrats dislike President Donald Trump.
After all, he beat the party's admired icon Hillary Clinton. And their sitting president, Joe Biden.
They've orchestrated years of undermining, of subterfuge, or doubt, of lawfare against him.
So when one Democrat supports a Trump agenda point, it gets attention.
That's what has happened with Janet Napolitano, who was the homeland security secretary for Barack Obama back in the day.
She now is on record explaining that the things Trump has done for America on its border are "useful."
In an interview, she said, "I think the border needs to be secure. … Many of the things that the Trump Administration has done on the border, from an operational standpoint, have been useful in that regard."
The Democrat hate for Trump has spilled out again just recently because of the leftist and pro-illegal alien riots that have developed in Los Angeles, and apparently now are spreading across the country.
They were triggered last weekend when federal officers started delivering warrants and making arrests in an investigation into illegal cartel money laundering, and other charges.
Democrats have said they dislike the violence that is being caused by leftists in the city, but they also dislike Trump's response, which was to send in National Guard troops to quell the violence and restore peace, a project on which forces still are working.
It was ABC that pointed out Democrat senators "were walking a line between criticizing the White House for sending troops to put down protests against Immigration and Customs Enforcement in Los Angeles, and the violence the administration says caused it to act."
