Federal appeals court greenlights Trump administration's third-country deportation policy

 March 17, 2026

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 1st Circuit ruled Monday that the Trump administration may continue deporting illegal immigrants to countries where they have no ties while a legal challenge plays out. The 2-1 decision lifts limits imposed by a lower court judge and keeps his order halted until the appeal is fully resolved.

The panel also expedited the schedule for the next stage of the case, signaling that a final resolution may come faster than the usual appellate crawl. The ruling contained no explanation from the majority, which let the action speak for itself.

The judges and the vote

According to The Hill, the two judges in the majority were Jeffrey Howard, nominated by former President George W. Bush, and Seth Aframe, nominated by former President Biden. The sole dissenter was Lara Montecalvo, a Biden nominee. That a Biden appointee joined the majority is notable. It suggests the administration's legal position carries weight beyond partisan lines.

The case originated with U.S. District Judge Brian Murphy, another Biden nominee, who oversees a class action lawsuit filed by four noncitizens a year ago. Murphy had required the administration to first attempt removal to a migrant's home country or country of citizenship before sending them elsewhere. He also ruled that migrants must receive a "meaningful opportunity" to contest their deportation once a third country is selected.

In his final ruling last month, Murphy said material differences had emerged in the case and blocked the policy once again. His own words were blunt:

"It is not fine, nor is it legal."

The appeals court disagreed. Or at minimum, it decided Murphy's restrictions should not stand while the government makes its case.

A policy with teeth

As part of its aggressive immigration crackdown, the Trump administration has ramped up sending illegal immigrants to places other than their home countries. It has struck deals with Cameroon, South Sudan, and Eswatini, among other nations, to take in deportees. The strategy targets a persistent logjam in immigration enforcement: countries that refuse to accept their own citizens back. If a home country won't cooperate, the administration now has alternatives.

This is not a new fight. Last year, the Trump administration went to the Supreme Court and won after Murphy limited third-country removals at an earlier stage of the case. Monday's ruling continues that pattern of appellate courts siding with the executive branch's authority to enforce removal.

A DHS spokesperson said the administration had "once again been vindicated" and framed the stakes in direct terms:

"The Biden Administration allowed millions of illegal aliens to flood our country, and the Trump Administration has the authority to remove these criminal illegal aliens and clean up this national security nightmare."

DHS also aimed the lower court resistance:

"If these activists judges had their way, aliens who are so uniquely barbaric that their own countries won't take them back, including convicted murderers, child rapists and drug traffickers, would walk free on American streets."

The legal resistance pattern

The broader dynamic here is one conservatives have watched for years. A district judge, often appointed by a Democratic president, issues a sweeping injunction against immigration enforcement. The administration appeals. A higher court stays the injunction or overturns it. Repeat.

It is a cycle designed to delay, not to adjudicate. Each injunction buys weeks or months during which enforcement is frozen, and the status quo of non-removal continues. Even when the government wins on appeal, the time lost is enforcement that never happened, deportations that never occurred, and illegal immigrants who remained in the country while lawyers argued about the process.

Murphy's insistence that migrants receive a "meaningful opportunity" to contest removal to a specific third country sounds reasonable in a law school seminar. In practice, it creates another procedural chokepoint in a system already drowning in them. Every additional hearing requirement is another delay. Every delay is another month someone remains in the United States instead of being removed.

The other side knows the clock is the weapon

Trina Realmuto, executive director of the National Immigration Litigation Alliance, which represents the migrants in the case, acknowledged the setback while highlighting the expedited timeline:

"While the order unfortunately delays implementation of the decision, we appreciate that the First Circuit ordered a swift resolution of the merits of the government's appeal."

Note the framing. The ruling that allows deportations to continue is characterized as a "delay" of the decision blocking deportations. In this worldview, the default state is that enforcement is halted, and any period where the government actually exercises its removal authority is a temporary aberration. That tells you everything about the assumptions driving the legal challenge.

What comes next

The expedited schedule means the 1st Circuit will hear the merits of the government's appeal on a faster track. The administration has mainly argued that federal judges have no authority to intervene in these removal decisions at all, a position that, if accepted, would shut down the entire line of attack.

For now, the policy stands. Illegal immigrants can be removed to third countries. The deals with Cameroon, South Sudan, Eswatini, and others remain operational. And the administration's record in appellate courts on this question continues to build.

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